Seizing the Opportunity for Lasting Peace.
Last week, we discussed how the jailed PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan has called for the group’s militants to lay down arms and disband, marking the most significant peace overture in a decade.
His statement follows months of backchannel diplomacy between Ankara and Kurdish intermediaries, as Turkey’s leadership tests the waters for a negotiated end to the 40-year insurgency.
If the PKK fully disarms, it would end one of the Middle East’s longest-running conflicts, which has claimed over 40,000 lives since the 1980s.
Öcalan framed his call as a “historical responsibility”, signaling that the PKK’s objectives should now be pursued through political means rather than armed struggle.
While Ankara has not officially announced negotiations, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his nationalist ally Devlet Bahçeli have given subtle indications that they are open to a process.
Bahçeli, long a hardline opponent of the PKK, unexpectedly proposed in late 2024 that Öcalan could be granted parole if the PKK renounces violence and dissolves—a move that shocked even Turkish nationalists.
Erdoğan cautiously praised the proposal as “courageous and wise.”
The timing is no coincidence: with the insurgency weakening, Turkey has an opportunity to permanently reshape its Kurdish policy and regional power dynamics.
This week, we shall discuss the U.S. role in capitalizing on this historic opportunity.
Now, the Trump admin is abandoning the traditional U.S.-led rules-based global order.
Never mind that this very order was created by Washington itself, and in addition to idealism, served core U.S. interests - by shaping the world affairs in predictable, rules-based fashion that served the prosperity and security of U.S. citizens first and foremost - Trump admin nevertheless insists on abandoning this in favor of ultra-pragmatic, transactional, and more immediate America-first policies.
As such, the Trump admin will need to see concrete practical gains to be made from being involved in this Turkey-Kurdish terrorists peace process.
And there are at least three concrete gains for Washington:
1) With Kurdish separatism (and PKK terrorism) ending its armed struggle phase, there will be less violence and more stability - reducing the need for future U.S. involvement;
2) Stability and peace within Syria will be more likely to solidify - and the past week’s pro-Assad vs anti-alawite violence shows that the country needs all the help it can to avoid further destabilization.
A comprehensive Turkey - PKK peace deal will limit opportunity for third-party interference (from Iran and Israel) and to cause further destabilization in the country.
3) Removal of one of the main irritants in Turkey - U.S. relations.
If the PKK renounces violence and Kurdish fighters in Syria distance themselves from the PKK, Turkey’s opposition to the SDF could lessen, removing a key obstacle in U.S.-Turkey ties.
Consequently, and for all these reasons, the United States has a pivotal but delicate role to play in supporting this nascent peace, given its alliances with Turkey (a NATO ally) and Kurdish groups (key partners against ISIS).
The U.S. has both strong interests and capabilities/influence to shape the outcome here.
Washington should encourage the peace process robustly yet tactfully, balancing relations with all sides.
The U.S. has an opening to shape this peace into a stabilizing force.
Washington should:
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